The Rachel Carson of Brazil
(Page 5 of 9)
If today millions of our land's nordestinos
[Northeasterners] are forced to migrate to the stinking
favelas [slums] of Rio and Sao Paulo, it is because they
have been pushed out of their native region by sugar cane
monoculture. PROALCOOL threatens to extend this process of
displacing people from the land.
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DALY: Couldn't alcohol fuel be made by
small producers, employing people in the interior, and
ultimately substituting a renewable resource for rapidly
diminishing petroleum?
LUTZENBERGER: Of course it could! One can
imagine a system of small-scale independent distilleries
producing fuel for local use and converting the vinhoto, or
slop, into a good organic fertilizer. It would then become
possible to avoid large-scale monoculture and learn to live
within an ecological budget. If our basic goals were the
ecologically inspired dreams of the steady—state or
homeostatic economy, we could make good use of biomass
energy. The success of such a program, however, depends
upon scale and rate of development, and—beyond
that—upon the structure of power in society.
Unfortunately, in Brazil as in all other countries that I
can think of, the official program calls for an
ever-expanding economy that rides roughshod over ecological
limits and tends to centralize power and promote only those
technologies that are themselves centralizing. PROALCOOL,
for example, even though it does permit the small
distilleries to produce, requires them to sell to a
centralized distributing agency.
DALY: What other effects will the
PROALCOOL program have?
LUTZENBERGER: The sugar cane monoculture
implicit in PROALCOOL is one of the many threats to the
Amazon and to the Pantanal, the great swamp in Mato Grosso
that is one of the last natural paradises on earth.
Since—alcohol production displaces food crops (Brazil
already has to import its national staple, black beans),
filling one's stomach will be more expensive than it
otherwise would have been . . . while auto fuel may be less
expensive than it otherwise would have been. And, of
course, the poor spend a large percentage of their income
on food and nothing at all on auto fuel. The middle and
upper classes, however, spend a smaller percentage on food
and a significant amount on auto fuel. So PROALCOOL will
effectively harm those who are most in need of help. And
because—as I've already said—the government's
fuel program will also promote feudal landholding patterns,
largescale distilleries, and centralized distribution . . .
it's hard to see how the present plan can avoid worsening
an already unjust distribution of income and wealth.
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